How Nnamdi Kanu used propaganda to become the new face of Biafra
From a council flat in Peckham to a country home in Umuahia, Nnamdi
Kanu owes his rise to prominence to constant hate speech, an adulterated
version of Judaism and the help of the Nigerian Government.
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Nnamdi Kanu appears in court during his trial in 2016 (Press
Among the Igbo, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu
is respected for many reasons. He is seen by most as the father of the
Igbo nation, the man who fought to lead them out of a failing experiment
and into a nation of their own, what would become the ill-fated Republic of Biafra.
For the few surviving soldiers who fought under his hand in the war that followed, he was a father and a leader.
For
the generation that came after, those who saw him in documentaries and
read of him in books, he is the symbol of lost values, a throwback to
what the ideal Igbo man should be: strong, informed, industrious,
fearless.
Perhaps more than anything, Ojukwu’s defiance is what has made him a deity of sorts among his people.
When
he declared the Republic of Biafra, Eastern Nigeria was in the
disadvantage in population, finance, military power and everything that
would matter in the months to come.
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Ojukwu inspects Biafran soldiers during the civil war (Archive)
Looking
back now, 50 years later, Ojukwu was well aware that the odds were not
in his favor, but it is clear that the decision was made in spite of the
circumstances, not because of them.
It
was in an attempt to draw from this sentiment that a certain
London-based radio broadcaster from Abia re-created Radio Biafra and
began a campaign to whip up the undead desire for secession.
Nnamdi Kanu was born ‘Nwannekaenyi “Nnamdi” Kenny Okwu Kanu in Isiama Afara,
a town in the area of Umuahia, the capital of Abia State. The exact
date of his birth is not public knowledge, most claims put it at some
time in 1970.
He attended Liberty Avenue Primary School, Umuahia before stepping up to the town's Government Secondary School to continue his education.
Whenever
there is a conversation about most of the world’s most iconic rebel
leaders, it is easy to see their influences as well as the formative
steps; Castro’s first speech, Kagame’s first battle, the baby steps that helped them grow into the roles that they assumed in later years.
Kanu
spent his formative years in the Igbo hinterland; by default, he must
have been exposed to a more emotionally-influenced interpretation of the
war, and the circumstances that surrounded it, from older soldiers and
superiors.
Beyond that, there is enough to suggest that he was born close to the nucleus of the war, both in location and ideology.
His father, Eze Israel Okwu Kanu, an
Igbo chief, conveyed much-needed aid to soldiers and civilians during
the civil war. Not far from the Kanu family home is what is left of what
used to be headquarters of the Biafran army, where his family claims
Ojukwu once spent a couple of nights.
Kanu
was also born at a time when the war was a very recent memory and like
many of his peers, the perspective he was afforded would have been fresh
and relatively untouched by time.
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Nnamdi
Kanu's parents; Eze Israel Okwu Kanu and his mother is Ugoeze Nnenne
Kanu, at the family's country home in Isiama Afara, Abia. (Tom Saatar /
Telegraph)
Kanu would go on to study at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka
after secondary school, but after a series of strikes, he crossed the
seas to London where he claims he finished his tertiary education.
There is no information on what university he attended or what course he studied.
According to The Telegraph, he made his home in Sandlings Close, Peckham, an area in London that is also known as 'Little Lagos' for the large number of Nigerians who live there.
The
self-proclaimed leader of Biafra holds a British passport that
guarantees his entry into the United Kingdom at any point that he
wishes.
It is not clear how Kanu spent
most of his time in London, but what we do know is that it was while he
was here that he first became involved in the fight for Biafra.
This is where things get interesting.
There are reports that he joined the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), the major face of Biafra at the time and became a favorite of its leader, Ralph Uwazurike.
At
the time, Uwazurike was a marked man in the face of the Obasanjo
administration. After several ‘excursions’ with his newest friends, the Department of State Services (DSS), starting in 2003, he was aware that he could only find success with a new approach.
That new approach was Radio Biafra.
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Peckham is a hotbed of cultures that has supported a large Nigerian population for years (MoveBubble)
Radio
Biafra has its origins as a pirate radio station that broadcast
propaganda during the civil war from a studio mounted on a jeep; a
measure that the war and hovering warplanes made necessary.
Uwazuruike’s
brainchild was intended for a similar purpose; a medium of spreading
the message and ideals of the secessionist country to Igbo people and
apologists across the world.
The station
was to broadcast from a location outside Nigeria that the federal
government would have no control over; because of Kanu’s residence in
London, his eloquence and his relationship with MASSOB’s leader, he
seemed the obvious choice for the role.
But
Kanu had other ideas, in the weeks that followed, he took charge of
Radio Biafra and from his council flat in Peckham, went rogue on MASSOB.
The year was 2009.
This
decision would also have implications when he, alongside other
disgruntled members of MASSOB formed a splinter group, what we now know
as IPOB, short for the Indigenous People of Biafra.
History
has proved that it is near impossible to instigate widespread rebellion
or upheaval without some sort of propaganda machine or media. In Nazi Germany, radio was the tool of choice for Hitler and Goebbels and Kanu put it to similar use.
Kanu used Radio Biafra to spread a deeply sectarian and militant message, as he put it "… Biafra or Death", often referring to Nigeria as a ‘zoo’ that was destined to go up in flames.
In a video that has since gone viral on social media, he said of spiritual leaders from the South-West’s Yoruba tribe, “It's
always Yoruba people, head of Pentecostal, head of Catholic, head of
Anglican. Hausas are killing us, Yorubas are sucking our blood”.
“If you’re attending a Yoruba church, you should be ashamed of yourself”, he continued. “Anybody
attending a pentecostal church with a Yoruba pastor is an idiot, a
complete fool, an imbecile. They are worse than Boko Haram. If your
pastor is Yoruba, you are not fit to be a human being”.
These
rants on Radio Biafra sparked a new conversation among its listeners;
one where violence was often mentioned and war was an inevitable means
to the desired end.
Among
the Igbos, the desire for separation may have become understated to a
large degree in the years that followed the war, but like all ideas that
have gained a romantic appeal, it has always been a constant.
As such, pro-Biafra rhetoric is not a strange concept, either to the Igbo or Nigerians of other tribes.
What
set Kanu apart and grabbed attention in those early years is also the
reason why among more nuanced spectators, he is not taken seriously.
Unlike other pro-Biafra groups, Kanu has made little attempt to appeal to reason in achieving his goals.
His version of the struggle for Biafra has been defined by an excessively crude and one dimensional method.
While
the most prominent of these groups, MASSOB believes that Biafra can be
achieved by negotiation and its detailed 25-step plan, Kanu, on the
other hand, believes that the only solution is war, and every other
Nigerian is the enemy.
On 19 October
2015, Ralph Uwazuruike cleared the air about Kanu’s membership,
disclosing that he does not belong to the movement and was sacked for
indiscipline and for inciting violence among members.
Broadcasting
in over 100 countries around the world, Radio Biafra had such massive
reach that it spread quickly, its nightly broadcasts heard at home in
Nigeria and by supporters in far-flung places like Australia.
In hindsight, it would appear the most pivotal tool in Kanu’s rise, even if that success came with its own thorns.
In
2014, the station’s existence became public knowledge and in the months
before the presidential elections, Nigeria’s primary broadcasting
agencies tried to pull down its transmission, with little success.
Arrests were made in 2015; three members of IPOB, David Nwawusi, Benjamin Madubugwu and Chidiebere Onwudiwe were detained at various times during the year for connecting Radio Biafra transmitters to Ericsson masts in eastern states.
More than a decade after he left the country, Radio Biafra put Nnamdi Kanu in the national conversation, but only to a degree.
At
the height of the station’s popularity, Kanu was little more than a
faceless monster, a largely unknown entity. While his message had found
willing listeners, many agreed that he would have to leave London for
Nigeria to be taken seriously.
Yet,
absurdly, even after his return, it is this air of mystery cultivated
over time, that has created an image that is seen as untouchable by most
of his followers.
Nnamdi Kanu is a walking, breathing conundrum.
Where the integrity of his peers has come under question at one point or the other, he has branded himself as the outlier.
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Nnamdi Kanu makes appearances in full regalia; something between an Igbo chief and a Jewish Priest (Press)
He
portrays himself as the quintessential Igbo man, first and above
anything else. In his tirades, he preaches that the Igbo are a subset of
the jewish people and identifies as a Jew, referring to the regular
idea of the Christian God as a sham, like the rest of Nigeria.
In place of this, he says the Igbo will practice Judaism in the new country and offers obeisance to a new god of Biafra, Chukwu Okike Abhiama.
When
he makes public appearances, it is full regalia, with a Jewish cap, a
handfan with the rising sun of the Biafran flag printed on it, and a
Jewish prayer shawl; often appearing like something between a Jewish
priest with an apprentice stylist and a hippy Igbo traditional ruler.
His appearance is no mistake; Kanu makes concerted efforts to keep it up, enhancing it as much as the circumstances allow.
When he was released from jail in April 2017, he wasted no time in visiting Enugu to ‘pray’ at the Cenotaph erected in memory of the soldiers who lost their lives in the civil war.
“Whenever
Nnamdi Kanu enters Biafraland, he would first go to Hill Top Ngwo to
pray at the Cenotaph before proceeding to his home to see his parents
and his people”, a source told Nigerian newspaper, Daily Post. “He has paid his customary homage to the memory of our fallen heroes”.
It
is here that our failure to properly examine the history and educate
ourselves on the Biafran war has played straight into his lap.
His
core audience is a new generation that only saw the war in books and
stories and he is able to sell them his own idea of the country of their
dreams, re-imagined to suit his inclinations.
For them, Nnamdi Kanu is the new Biafra in flesh.
It
is no mistake that this pristine image has amassed followers in the
tens and hundreds of thousands, young men who in recent months have
begun to refer to him as ‘our father’, ‘the leader of Biafra’.
An IPOB press release from 2015 even goes further to refer to him as ‘Prophet Nnamdi Kanu’
This image is often re-enforced by his closest friends and family members.
"My brother was singled out by God for this mission" Kanu’s brother and fellow Biafra agitator, Prince Kanu told the Telegraph in January. When he was further prodded, he claimed his brother was led by a vision he had in 2006 in Croydon, a fair distance from Nigeria and Igbo land, if we are to put it lightly.
The
success of this ‘re-branding’ has reduced the pro-Biafra struggle into a
personality cult of sorts, with reports of supporters kneeling down
before him and kissing his feet upon his release from detention.
In
reality, what Kanu has created is an illusion; a representation of the
fallacious history that he invokes and the promise of the future he
seems so willing to fight for.
It is an image that is as convenient as it is effective.
ALSO READ: Nnamdi Kanu is not the messiah for Biafra
But
for all that Nnamdi Kanu has done to put himself in the frontlines of
the struggle for Biafra, no-one has done more to help his cause than the
Nigerian government.
While Radio Biafra
put him in the list of pro-biafra agitators, a vast majority of the
people he hoped to lead still viewed his message at arms’ length, with a
certain degree of skepticism.
What they
said was pretty simple; here was a man, calling on them to defend
themselves and their sovereignty and prepare for war with the rest of
Nigeria, yet he was miles away in a flat in London, speaking into a
microphone from an undisclosed location.
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Nnamdi Kanu visited the Enugu Cenotaph almst immediately after his release from prison (Daily Post)
It only made sense that whoever sought to lead them would lead from the front.
In the final months of 2015, Kanu decided to pay a visit to Nigeria, taking up temporary residence in Lagos’ Golden Tulip Hotel. Barely days after, he was nowhere to be found.
On October 18, 2015, reports made the rounds that Kanu had been arrested by the dreaded Department of State Services.
He told his lawyers that he had been held in secret for four days.
In the weeks that followed, the IPOB leader was charged with treasonable felony for a speech he delivered at the World Igbo Congress
in 2015 where he asked the bewildered audience for 'guns and bullets'
to fight the war for Biafra. Alonside him were the three IPOB members
arrested for planting Radio Biafra transmission equipment early in that
year.
Political analyst Cheta Nwanze describes his arrest as “a mistake because it played into his hands”.
As Nwanze told the BBC in May, “When
the 2015 election happened, there was a slowdown in the popularity of
his radio station and that’s when he decided to come to Nigeria to get
arrested”
Nnamdi Kanu had spent
months accusing the government of a conspiracy against the Igbo people
and moonlighting as the patron saint of information and freedom from
oppression; if his supporters suspected that his ‘truth’ was a threat to
the government, his arrest gave credence and credibility to those
claims.
Even after the courts ruled that
he should be released in November 2015, President Muhammadu Buhari's
federal government pulled a rabbit out of the hat, and ensured that he
was re-arrested and held again. The DSS presented a court order that
gave it license to keep him custody for an extra three months for
'questioning'.
As one commentator put it, this authoritarian approach inspired the feeling that “perhaps, this guy is not totally wrong”
Kanu would spend go on to spend months in and out of Kuje Prisons, often falling victim to the crippling judicial system and the DSS’ underhanded tactics to hold him for as long as possible.
The
news of his arrest and detention spurred protests across the east and
in other countries where his message had struck a nerve and earned him
followers.
When he was finally arraigned before the Wuse Zone 2 Magistrate Court in Abuja
in November 2015, IPOB members and sympathizers travelled in luxury
buses and gathered en masse outside the court to demand his immediate
release.
As the trial and detention continued, so did the calls for his freedom.
If
Nnamdi Kanu was a loud mouth rebel-at-large before October 2015, his
incarceration upon his arrival in Nigeria elevated him to the status of a
martyr among his followers.
After
months within those prison walls in Abuja, Nnamdi Kanu has been
regained his freedom, released on bail on April 28, 2017. His detention
has served the direct opposite of its purpose; making him the face of
the renewed struggle for separation.
Since
his release, he has kept a relatively low profile. Besides closed door
meetings with Igbo leaders and his visit to the Enugu Cenotaph, he has
only made the news for relatively bland reasons, such as his interaction
with two of Nigeria’s most divisive political figures, Ekiti governor Ayo Fayose and former Aviation Minister Femi Fani-Kayode.
His
careful treading has been a factor, not of choice, but of his stringent
bail conditions, including a ban from addressing a gathering of more
than 10 people.
In a Nigeria where the
adverse standard of life and its many manifestations dominate the
headlines and cover stories, Biafra has re-entered the mix with a sense
of urgency that does not feel familiar.
The
Igbo’s struggle for secession is as valid as it was 50 years ago.
Ojukwu’s reasons for pulling out are still very present; a political
system that is tailored to suit the North and its large population, the
perpetuity of the northern cabal and its stranglehold on federal power,
absurd levels of corruption and nepotism at various levels of
government, and a level of insecurity that suggests that the government
can only do so much to protect its citizens.
Many
point to examples such as the spread of the government's infrastructure
projects, and in particular, the rail network that is supposed to cover
the whole of the country. Despite the presence of commercial hubs in Onitsha and Aba, much of the South-East is not covered in the plans that have been released by Transport Minister, Rotimi Amaechi.
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Nnamdi
Kanu's arrest and detention incited protests in Abuja and the
South-East, as well as cities where his Radio Biafra had amassed a mass
following (Press)
Ethnic and tribal tensions are also as high as ever; on June 6, 2016, a group of Northern leaders gathered at the iconic Arewa House to sign what is now known as the Kaduna Declaration, giving Igbos in the North a three-month ultimatum to leave the region.
Yet,
it remains to be seen if Biafra is really the answer. Despite the
resurgence of the campaign for secession and the emergence of new
characters like Nnamdi Kanu, a good number of Igbos remain skeptical
about the prospect.
They cite the lack of
political unity and harmony among the Igbos as well as the absence of
the elaborate structures to support an active economy that the new
nation will need to survive.
Mitterrand Okorie, a social commentator, and lecturer at the Michael Okpara University of Agriculture, Umudike in Umuahia thinks that while the campaign for Biafra holds water, a lack of consultation has made the struggle one-dimensional.
“I
think the agitation for Biafra is valid, the whole marginalisation of
the Igbos has taken another dimension, the level is almost criminal.",
he told Pulse in a phone interview. There is a bit of sort of trying to
punish the South-east for their sins and it doesn’t give us a sense of
belonging in Nigeria”,
“There
is a lack of consultation in how IPOB is trying to navigate. You don’t
just suppose everyone is part of the struggle. Some are new federalists,
they want a restructured union. They don’t want separation for various
reasons. This category of Igbo people have never had to sit down in a
consultative way to know how this struggle is going to happen”
There
are also important preliminary questions that have been left
unanswered, such as the borders of the proposed country and the
inclusion of the South-South states, to the effect that what obtains now
feels like a case of pulling the cart before the horse.
“But
we have to ask where does the map of Biafra start? Somebody may say it
is the right time for Biafra to arise, but I don’t think it should
include non-Igbos state. That’s the conversation we ought to have”, Okorie added.
Nnamdi
Kanu and IPOB’s call for Biafra does not incorporate these questions,
or even pay them any attention. While it is important to recognise the
nature of his role in bringing the conversation about Biafra to the
frontlines, what he offers is overtly inflexible; a myopic approach that
has portrayed the struggle as little more than a rebel movement.
As
the days pass, the shallow extent of his ideals continues to come
across, just a few weeks after his release, he conferred honorary
Biafran citizenship on Ayo Fayose, a political figure whose credibility
wanes with each visit to Ado-Ekiti's pepper sellers.
The
press releases may imply a sense of direction and coherence but his
actions suggest a man who is swinging wildly with a blindfold in the
hope that he will hit a bag full of validation, instead of one with the
comprehensive strategy and intellectual consideration that the agitation
for Biafra requires.
As Okorie put it in simpler terms, “you cannot achieve self-actualization by referring to your country as a Zoo”
The agitation of millions of Igbo people across Nigeria represents more than such simplistic logic.
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The map of Biafra, soon after it was declared in August 1967 (Archive)
In
recent times, they have presented different facets of the case for
separation. There have been calls to go back to the drawing board,
including demands for a true sovereign national conference and a
referendum to determine the pulse of the Nigerian people.
50
years after the first shots were fired, it is clear that the Igbo
desire for a single homogeneous state is still as strong as ever. In the
last two years, it has gone from a by-line and the stuff of aggressive
folklore to a dream that seems realer with each day.
Nnamdi Kanu may be the new social-media savvy face of Biafra but he is nowhere near capable of making it happen.
